Situating the Vending
Jakarta, Indonesia
By Beka Fadila
urban development, informal economy, street food vendors

Contextualising Urban Development and Street Food Vendors in Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta
In the middle of Jakarta’s urban landscape transformation and urbanisation, street food vending emerged as a pivotal occupation. The informal sectors, including street vending, became the principal option for those without qualifications for employment. These vendors have ingrained themselves within the cultural landscape of Jakarta — many have found fame and have established their position in the city’s culinary culture.
The narrative below is an introduction to the ongoing research on the dynamics between these vendors and the changing landscapes of Jakarta. The study situates itself in Kebayoran Baru, a formerly planned satellite city south of Jakarta that has become an emerging hotspot for young people. The article will contextualise the planning and transformation of Kebayoran Baru to understand further the implications of redevelopment and beautification-slash-modernisation for the distribution of street food vendors in the city and attempts to formalise them.
Kebayoran Baru (pronounced: Keh-bah-yoh-rahn Bah-roo) is a well-established residential district nestled in the heart of South Jakarta. The district is located in a strategic location, with its proximity to Central Jakarta and business districts. Moreover, it is conveniently positioned near major landmarks such as the sports complex and major arterial roads. Kebayoran Baru currently serves as the administrative governance of South Jakarta.
The total area of Kebayoran Baru spans approximately 730 hectares, roughly equivalent to Lower Manhattan.
The district was planned in 1949 as a satellite city, taking inspiration from ‘The Garden City’ by Ebenezer Howard, to accommodate the increasing population of Jakarta, resolve the housing needs, and accommodate the emerging middle class of Indonesia at the time and for employees of national or state-owned institutions.
The 730 hectares of land in the area were allocated to accommodate a population of 100,000 people. Within the zoning, 39% of the land is designated for residential areas.
The district’s sub-areas were initially classified by blocks from ‘A’ to ‘S,’ not only to categorise the housing size and typology, including single-family dwellings, but also as a means to categorise residents by their average income.
There were four typologies of housing:
Public housing (152 hectares/375 acres)
Medium dwelling (70 hectares/173 acres)
Villa (55 hectares/136 acres)
Flat (6.5 hectares/16 acres)
However, due to the pressure of poverty in rural areas, driven by the Great Depression and the recent independence of the country, Jakarta continues to become the leading destination for national migration flows. This created a ripple effect on population growth in the outskirts, which includes Kebayoran Baru.
De Ingenieur in Indonesië reported that the population in Jakarta increased by 17% between 1941 and 1949 — five times more than the past decade.
As of today, Jakarta has an estimated population of over 10 million as of 2022, where internal migrants make up 49.8% of the total population in Jakarta. The wave of migration is driven by concentrated development efforts in the capital, which created a stigma that frames the city as a place to find social and economic success.
Hence, to cater for the constantly increasing population, Jakarta continues to engage in land development and redevelopment strategies. These efforts include outward expansion and rezoning of existing areas.
To accommodate the population of Kebayoran Baru, which stands at 115,000 as of 2020, the district was rezoned to integrate more residential land use. The rezoning is also driven by the intrusion of commercial activity due to its strategic location.
One prominent change between its initial planning in the 1950s and the present was the substantial increase in residential land use. Currently, residential areas occupy 54% of the total area, marking a significant increase from the previous allocation of 39%. To accommodate this expansion of residential zones, there has been a reduction in green spaces.
However, it is important to note that many of these zoning regulations are violated: many “residential areas” were converted into small offices and commercial spaces, especially along the northeast area of the district. Pictured below is Senopati Street, located at the northeast border of the district, which shows a heavy presence of commercial spaces.
The district has a relatively high density of people per square kilometre. The highest density can be found in Gandaria Utara, an outlier, considering its smaller area than other subdistricts. A plausible reason is that the area is shared with another district other than Kebayoran Baru.
The lowest density can be found in Selong. This is primarily attributed to the predominant land use in the area, which consists of commercial and office spaces, including those developed in violation of the original residential zoning. The subdistrict is also considered one of the most elite areas in the neighbourhood.
Despite the high density, each subdistrict has appropriate access to facilities, which include schools, parks, marketplaces, shopping malls, and worship places.
Due to the widespread distribution of facilities, most of the subdistricts have extensive coverage of spatial amenities, which in turn generates high foot traffic and creates an ideal environment for street food vending to thrive.
Street food vending, locally known as kaki lima, is an integral part of the informal economy and has ingrained itself into the district’s identity — many have gained recognition and established a loyal clientele base, to the extent of becoming a ‘landmark’ of the area.
Currently, there are approximately more than 650 street food vendors spread across the area, operating day and night. Most of these vendors congregate where foot traffic is guaranteed, such as the marketplace or schools. Usually, they stay in one area, but many also move around depending on the time of the day. A scarcity of vendors can be seen along the northeast part of the district. This is driven by the ‘sterilised’ urban landscape, where these sterile tendencies are partly attributed to the ‘elite’ presentation of the area.
Most vendors can be found in Gunung and Kramat Pela. This is closely linked to the bustling Mayestik Market, a major centre for high foot traffic. This market serves as a hub for shopping and social interaction and serves a constant flow of visitors, making it an ideal location for street vending activities.
However, this widespread distribution and recognition has provided an opportunity for entities to formalise these informal workers to extend regulatory control over their activities, which potentially impacts their traditional way of operating and challenges their livelihoods. This aspect of formalisation involves allocating specific areas or spaces where these vendors can legally operate, which aims to organise and regulate their activities in a more structured manner.
Currently, there are approximately 13 formalised vendor areas in Kebayoran Baru, both by the State. and private institutions, with 226 out of the total documented vendors residing in these spaces. Yet, it is important to note that some of these vendors chose to rent out their designated spaces as well, as it is thought to be more profitable compared to food vending.
In the face of urban development efforts, this dynamic raises essential questions about the balance between modernising the urban landscape and accommodating the economic activities of street vendors while preserving their cultural and economic significance. This brings us to the question: If Jakarta continues to engage with development projects to modernise its urban landscape, then what does the future look like for street food vendors?